Mar 5, 2013
In December 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, a 23-year-old market vendor in Tunisia, self-immolated to protest deep-seated government corruption that made it impossible for him to earn a living. Following his desperate action, Tunisian women helped spur protests and end autocratic regimes in Tunisia and throughout the Arabic-speaking world. Today, Tunisian women remain in the forefront of ensuring democratic change in their country during the difficult years of government transition.
“As far as the revolution is concerned, we can say that just one hour after the death of Mohamed Bouazizi, the opening salvo was shot by a woman who shouted in front of the municipality: ‘Where are you men?’” says Souha Miladi, a school teacher and trade union member. “Immediately afterward, protests broke in the streets, and popular anger swept all the regions and reached the capital, prompting the fall of the dictator.”
Despite longstanding legal and social protections, Tunisian women only comprised 25 percent of the working population in 2010. And they were, and are, disproportionately represented among the most impoverished. Yet, working in large part through their unions, they formed strong networks and gained crucial leadership skills that helped them recognize their economic and political stake in democratic change.
“The struggle of Tunisian women did not just begin today. It is rooted in their history, since independence, and in their struggle against colonialism, tyranny,” says Siham Maadi, a high school teacher. “Many women martyrs have fallen. We have fought against tyranny … in unions and in the legal system and in all civil arenas.” Like Miladi, Maadi is a member of the Tunisian Labor Federation (Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail, UGTT), the nation’s largest confederation of unions.
After the ouster of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, who had ruled Tunisia for 23 years, Tunisians elected a government to steer the constitution-writing process. But in August 2012, the constitutional assembly proposed an article to make women “complimentary” to men—a sharp reversal of their long-standing legal rights, among other protections, that ensured women’s equality with men. In response, tens of thousands of women took to the streets in an August 13 rally. They also waged a media campaign and circulated petitions against the proposed language. By November, Tunisia’s constituent assembly dropped the article. The assembly also removed an article that described the nation as committed to ensuring gender equality “as long as it does not conflict with the rulings of Islamic Sharia.”
The UGTT “was one of the actors in the rally on August 13,” human rights activist Samiyah Noorah said at the time of the proposed constitutional article. “They called on a lot of women, and even men, not only women. This issue affects everyone.” Today, women in the nation’s capital, Tunis, are reaching out to women in impoverished rural communities, providing food and health services while engaging them in education about their rights as citizens, says Kalthoum Barkallah, general secretary officer for International Relations at the UGTT Railway Federation. Barkallah, who since the 1970s has led the development and promotion of talented women trade union activists, also says the UGTT National Committee of Women Workers is partnering with other allied groups to create a new organization to combat violence against women, which has dramatically increased in the wake of the uprising.
For many years, the trade union federation has served as a key resource for women workers. In turn, women members of Tunisian unions have developed leadership skills and enabled the union movement to play a key role in democratic change.
Social and political mobilization through the labor movement “to demand improved working conditions and to defend core labor rights of decent work are characterized by a massive presence of women,” says Saida Garrach, an attorney and member of the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women. “This momentum led to important participation of women in the Tunisian revolution.”
This report is an excerpt from Catalyst for Change, a forthcoming series prepared by the Solidarity Center with support from the National Endowment for Democracy. The series features the working people, their unions and activists who are advancing worker rights and greater equity in their societies. Their experience and efforts provide real, transferable lessons for others seeking to affect positive change.
Mar 4, 2013
Women make up more than 40.5 percent of the workforce worldwide, according to the most recent data by the International Labor Organization. But their labor has not resulted in a similar increase in financial well-being.
Far from it.
Although women contribute 66 percent of the world’s work and produce 50 percent of the food, they earn 10 percent of global income and own 1 percent of property, a 2011 United National Development Program report finds. Women account for 70 percent of the world’s population living in poverty, according to 2010 UN Food and Agricultural Organization data. But as more and more join together in unions and allied networks, women are increasingly empowering themselves and each other in the struggle for economic fairness.
Starting today and throughout the week leading up to International Women’s Day on March 8, the Solidarity Center will highlight examples of women workers around the world who are taking action to improve their lives on the job and in their communities. In redressing the economic and political imbalance in resources that so often goes against them, they also are seeking to ensure a better future for their families and their communities.
Women have long represented the majority of teachers, health care workers and public-sector employees—services fundamental to people’s well-being. Less recognized is the essential nature of their labor in the informal economy—where they may toil as domestic workers, whose typically grueling “housework” often is not considered worthy of legal protections—or as migrant workers, who sacrifice their own family lives to support their children and themselves. Concentrated in insecure informal-sector jobs, women are paid low incomes and have few rights, even as their labor makes up a significant portion of national economies.
Women also suffer disproportionately from other negative global trends: human trafficking and its resulting forced labor and debt bondage; contract labor, which undermines women’s long-term job prospects, income stability and benefits; and the wholesale slashing of public-sector jobs, a career avenue that traditionally has provided women a way into the middle class.
But as the Solidarity Center series will show, whether in formal or informal employment, in the home or at the workplace, women are on the forefront of transformation. Tunisian women, many working through their unions, were a crucial part of the uprising that led to what is known as the Arab Spring—and continue to be a major force in fighting for the rights of women in the nation’s ongoing political crises. Honduran maquila workers and banana packers, most of whom are women, are self-organizing for greater workplace strength. In South Africa, working women are transforming their own practice in traditionally male-led unions—and, in the process, are crafting a model for others around the world.
Labor historian Dorothy Sue Cobble, who partnered with the Solidarity Center to author a report, Gender Equality and Labour Movements: Toward a Global Perspective, writes, “Since the 1970s, unions have become a primary global vehicle for advancing gender equality in both the North and the South.” With more than 70 million women in unions today, women are a strong force and are making their voices heard.
Feb 28, 2013
The AFL-CIO will give the International Domestic Workers Network (IDWN) the 2013 George Meany-Lane Kirkland Human Rights Award. The IDWN, a Solidarity Center partner, brings together domestic workers from around the world, building bridges between unions and domestic worker organizations and providing a voice for domestic workers.
In 2011, with IDWN and Solidarity Center support, domestic workers achieved passage of the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention on Decent Work for Domestic Workers. This historic accomplishment was the first time domestic work was recognized as work, deserving of full labor protections. Many Solidarity Center partners are also IDWN members.
Here is the statement, approved by the AFL-CIO Executive Council at its meeting this week in Orlando, Fla. (PDF version). The AFL-CIO will present the award to the IDWN at a ceremony later this year.
2013 George Meany–Lane Kirkland Human Rights Award: International Domestic Workers’ Network
More and more workers in the global economy find themselves in precarious and informal work situations. Among these vulnerable workers, domestic workers are some of the most exploited. They toil alone, by the millions, without protection and often far from home. In many ways, their work is invisible. But despite their vulnerable status, the tireless domestic workers who clean homes, care for children and the elderly, cook meals and otherwise ensure the smooth running of households are fighting for—and winning—their rights.
Primarily women and migrant workers, domestic workers labor in a hidden economy where theirwork is undervalued and under-regulated. Domestic workers make extraordinary sacrifices to support their families, often traveling to other countries for jobs, leaving their own children behind to care for others. As they work in private homes, away from the public eye and the purview of labor inspectors, they may experience physical, psychological and sexual abuse; forced confinement; nonpayment of wages; and excessively long working hours. In the worst situations, they suffer forced labor, debt bondage and other forms of human trafficking. In most countries, including in the United States, domestic workers are explicitly excluded from labor law protections.
Despite these harsh conditions, domestic workers have been courageously standing up fortheir rights on the job—creating associations and joining unions in places such as the Dominican Republic, Kenya and the United States. The partnerships that have developed between labor unions and domestic worker organizations have helped the labor movement develop a new blueprint to respond to a global economy that increasingly is based on precarious work. This collaboration has raised the level of respect and recognition for domestic workers, established labor standards and built a more inclusive and powerful labor movement around the world. Collectively, domestic workers have formed the International
Domestic Workers’ Network (IDWN). We are proud to work in partnership with domestic workers in the United States and around the world to build a stronger and more representative labor movement, and to award the 2013 George Meany–Lane Kirkland Human Rights Award to the IDWN.
In 2011, with the support of the IDWN, domestic workers achieved passage of the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention on Decent Work for Domestic Workers (C. 189). This was an historic accomplishment as it was the first time that domestic work was recognized as work, deserving of full labor protections. The passage of this international standard culminated years of grassroots struggle by some of the most marginalized workers in the world, representing a huge victory for the rights of women workers, migrant workers and workers in the informal economy.
Tens of millions of domestic workers now have a set of international standards aimed at improving their working conditions. In negotiating the convention, the AFL-CIO and the IDWN U.S. affiliate, the National Domestic Workers Alliance (NDWA), led the way in setting an example for other labor collaborations globally, when the AFL-CIO appointed a domestic worker from NDWA as the lead delegate for the ILO convention negotiations. The IDWN currently leads the effort to promote ratification of the convention.
The importance of the IDWN in supporting local domestic worker movements, building bridges between unions and domestic worker organizations and providing a voice for domestic workers at the international level is crucial. IDWN is made up of domestic workers’ organizations, including trade unions, around the world. The IDWN is provided with an organizational base by the International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers’ Associations (IUF), and is supported by Women in Informal Employment Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO).
In recognition of the groundbreaking efforts of domestic workers worldwide to organize for greater awareness of and respect for their work, their historic success in the adoption of the ILO convention and their commitment to support, expand and build the global labor movement, the AFL-CIO is pleased to award the 2013 George Meany–Lane Kirkland Human Rights Award to the International Domestic Workers’ Network.
Feb 26, 2013
Workers outside SONAPI Industrial Park, Port-au-Prince, rallying for decent pay on October 8, 2012. Credit: Susan Washington.
Three years after the devastating 2010 earthquake, Haitian workers are organizing to ensure that foreign investment and infrastructure-targeted aid provide not just subsistence-level jobs, but decent work and a living wage for Haitians.
“We don’t want ‘Haiti Open for Business’ to become ‘Haiti for Sale,’ said Etant Dupain, a Haitian journalist and director of the community organization, Bri Kouri Nouvel Gaye (Noise Travels, News Spreads). Dupain relayed his concerns at a recent panel discussion in Washington, D.C., focusing on worker and community empowerment programs designed to enable Haitians to have a voice in their country’s redevelopment process. The panel was organized by the Solidarity Center and TransAfrica.
Panelists worry that average Haitians—still trying to recover from a series of disasters and a long history of economic and political setbacks—are getting lost in the rush of money and plans from foreign investors and donors, who have not always consulted with Haitians about what is needed. In order to play a stronger role in civil society, Haitian unions are very focused on the need to inform, educate and mobilize workers and the community about their right to participate in the workplace and broader social debates that shape their lives, especially with respect to new economic developments in the country.
Construction of new infrastructure and factories has begun, though hundreds of thousands of people remain homeless. Encouraged by valuable tax and other incentives, including low wages, garment and light-manufacturing tenants are moving into new and existing industrial parks.
International donors and the Haitian government say they want to provide jobs for Haitians. And jobs are sorely needed, said Susan Washington, Solidarity Center country program director in Haiti.
“Haitians are used to working hard; they want jobs. But they must have the right to make these good jobs. Good jobs pay a living wage, respect the right of workers to organize and bargain collectively with employers.”
In March 2011, the Solidarity Center published a living wage survey which found that prices for necessities and basic goods were out of reach for most apparel workers. This remains true today: The cost of living has increased while wages, for those lucky enough to have jobs in the formal economy, have stagnated.
One potential area for job creation is the new Caracol Industrial Park in northern Haiti, which was inaugurated and began initial operations in late 2012. Established as a consequence of trade preferences established under the U.S. Congress’s passage of the HOPE II Act of 2008 and the Haiti Economic Lift Program (HELP) Act of May 2010, Caracol is supposed to support up to 65,000 permanent jobs over time and increase Haitian garment industry related jobs by more than 200 percent. The Solidarity Center estimates that 1,500 workers currently are employed in Caracol, and there are now two registered unions.
Solidarity Center partners are concerned that the park will not create jobs paying workers sufficiently to support their families and rebuild their lives and their country. Caracol is being presented as a model, said Etant Dupain. “If everyone has a place at the table it will be a great project,” he said. But if regulations are not followed and enforced it will set an unfortunate precedent for new industrial processing zones and industrial parks in Haiti.
To help ensure that Haitians have a greater voice in the future of their country, Haitian unions are increasing their capacity to participate in several forums involving the government, employers and civil society. Their participation in these venues is supported by the work of the Solidarity Center and the International Trade Union Confederation -Trade Union Congress of the Americas (ITUC-TUCA) as well as by community organizations supported by TransAfrica’s Let Haiti Live project.
Through their unions, Haitian workers are focused on three key areas: worker and citizen capacity building, social dialogue and labor code reform.
Building Worker and Citizen Capacity: By strengthening the capacity of workers and the community to advocate for and defend their interests through outreach, leadership development and organizing, unions will be well-positioned as independent, democratic and self-sustaining organizations to lead the drive for a better life for Haitian families.
Social Dialogue: Union leaders participate in monthly meetings of a Social Dialogue Table – a tripartite mechanism convened by the International Labor Organization’s (ILO’s) Better Work Haiti project that monitors the factories and provides factory-by-factory data for the ILO’s biannual worker rights compliance reports. Under the auspices of the Commission Tripartite de la Mise en Oeuvre de la loi HOPE—also known as the CTMO-HOPE Commission—union leaders participate in tripartite discussions seeking to resolve problems in the textile and apparel sector in Haiti that are not resolved at the factory level. The Solidarity Center and ITUC both have official observer status in these meetings to lend support to the unions’ perspectives. Both organizations are also providing technical assistance to Haitian unions to raise their capacity to effectively participate in social dialogue.
Labor Code Reform: Haitian unions are active participants in the labor code reform process that is being directed by the ILO. Unions convened workers across all sectors and also worked closely with community associations to gather data for worker input into the tripartite process. Through this process, the trade union movement, employers and the Haitian government have each presented formal proposals to the ILO for changes to the current labor code. The unions’ proposal calls for provisions for the new Haitian Labor Code such as: respect for freedom of association and collective bargaining; distribution of the labor code in Creole; a national minimum wage by sector; coverage of workers across all sectors, including informal and agricultural workers; improved social protections for Haitians, including disability insurance, pensions and health care; banning all forms of discrimination in the workforce; establishment of a viable mechanism for enforcement of the labor code; a small payroll tax to fund capacity building for workers to advocate for their interests; protection of domestic workers; capacity building for government labor officials and the establishment of regional government labor offices.
Feb 22, 2013
From Left: Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavaidi, AMANI party; Paul Muite, SAFINA party; Martha Karua, NARC-Kenya party; COTU Deputy General Secretary George Muchai. Credit: Hanad Mohamud
In the largest gathering of presidential candidates organized by civil society in Kenya in the current election, five of eight presidential candidates took part this week in a forum sponsored by the labor movement. Kenyan Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka, who is running again for office, also took part.
The forum was organized by the Central Organization of Trade Unions (COTU-Kenya), the national trade union center, and the Solidarity Center. Forum organizers noted that educated voters are less likely to cast ballots along ethnic identity lines, which has been past practice in many parts of Kenya.
Some 50 union leaders representing all sectors of the Kenyan labor movement attended the event in the nation’s capital, Nairobi. Candidates discussed how their platforms would address four areas key to working people: job creation, social services, health care and sustainable economic development. The following are summaries of the candidates’ remarks.
Presidential candidate Paul Muite from the Safina party cited unemployment, insecurity and ethnicity as major concerns that require urgent attention. He promised that a Safina presidency would work to improve the country’s infrastructure and protect worker rights.
The nation’s problems stem from corruption, poor governance and criminal impunity, said Martha Karua of the Narc-Kenya party. A Narc-Kenya presidency would uphold the law, ensure that the constitution in fully implemented and judiciary reforms are completed, she said. Such actions would enable all Kenyans to live in dignity and enjoy health from cradle to the grave. Karua also said her government would review the salaries of the lowest income-earners and ensure they are pegged on the cost of living.
A newcomer to the political scene, Joseph ole Kiyiapi of the Restore and Build Kenya party said his government will focus on improving food security and the environment and on enhancing the government management. He will invest in education and ensure that young people have appropriate skills for the job market.
Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi, part of the Amani coalition, said sustainable job creation would be a cornerstone of his government. Mudavadi had been quoted in the press as favoring privatization of the nation’s major port. Here, he clarified that he does not support selling state assets to foreigners but would encourage everyone, including workers, to own shares in companies.
Presidential candidate Mohammed Dida of the Alliance for Real Change (ARC) pointed out that Kenya lacks good governance and he will strategize to improve the health of the nation and improve food production. By addressing corruption, he said, youth unemployment can be drastically reduced.
Musyoka, from the CORD coalition, stated that job creation and expanding business at the national and county levels are part of CORD’s manifesto. CORD will seek an employment policy that protects workers, respects the freedom of association and prioritizes job creation for Kenyans rather than foreigners. CORD also seeks to make Kenya an investment destination. He added that CORD will endeavor to provide universal health care and work with COTU and its members.
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